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CHAPTER 1
CAMPUS OPINION IN MAY 1970
This account has summarized the development of
contemporary American campus unrest from its beginnings in the civil
rights movement in 1960 to the introduction of the Berkeley invention in
1964 and its elaboration in the Columbia disruption of 1968, and finally
to the tragic events at Kent State, Jackson State, and the University of
Wisconsin in the spring and summer of 1970. The overall trend of the past
decade has clearly been toward more widespread and more violent protest.
Issues that in the first half of the decade preoccupied only a. few
students had become, by 1970, the concern of the great majority of
students. Tactics once considered outrageous and immoral by almost all
students were justified and encouraged by some, and tolerated by many
more. The university, once regarded as a bastion of academic freedom, was
increasingly viewed by radical students as an instrument of a repressive
and immoral society. And the confidence of an influential minority of
American students in the ability of existing social and political
institutions to effect meaningful change had diminished.
Describing the trends of the last decade still
leaves the question: what are the attitudes and opinions of American
college students today? How deep and how widespread were the effects of
the rising tide of student protest?
On the whole, American students are not as
politically radical as some press reports might suggest. Only three years
ago, in the spring of 1967, a Gallup Poll of college students found that
49 percent classified themselves as "hawks" on the war in
Vietnam. Since that time, there has been a dramatic shift of students'
attitudes toward the war. A Gallup Poll published in December 1969 found
that only 20 percent of the students classified themselves as
"hawks" while 69 percent classified themselves as
"doves." At that same time, 50 percent --as compared to 64
percent of the adult public --approved of the way president Nixon was
handling the situation in Vietnam. In 1965, one poll reported that only 6
percent of American students favored immediate withdrawal from vietnam. In
May 1970, a special Harris survey, commissioned by the American Council on
Education and conducted after the Cambodian incursion and the events at
Kent State and Jackson State, found that 54 percent favored an end to the
fighting in Vietnam and bringing American troops home as soon as possible.
Student opinions on other controversial issues have
not been particularly radical either. The special Harris Survey found that
only 25 percent felt that ROTC should be completely removed from campus,
while 37 percent felt that it should be permitted on campus and receive
academic credit. The Same survey reported that 72 percent believed that
companies doing defense business should be allowed to recruit on campus;
70 percent agreed that "school authorities are right" to call in
police when students occupy a building or threaten violence; and, even
after the tragic killings at Kent State, 42 percent of the students felt
that "the National Guard has acted responsibly in most cases"
when it has been called onto college campuses.
Although these survey data indicate the persistence
of liberal, and even conservative, attitudes among college students, other
data indicate growing student radicalism. In 1968, the Harris organization
found that 4 percent of American students identified themselves as
"radical or far left;" by 1970, 11 percent identified themselves
in this way.
Although only a small percentage of students
identify themselves as "radicals," a large proportion of
students have come to hold radical opinions. The 1970 special Harris
survey revealed that 76 percent believed that "basic changes in the
system" will be necessary to improve the quality of life in America
and 44 percent thought that social progress in America was more likely to
come about through "radical pressure from outside the system"
than the actions of major established institutions.
The growth of political radicalism among students
has been accompanied by an extension of student protest and a greater
willingness on the part of some students to engage in --or at least
condone --disruptive and violent protests. On the basis of student
responses, the special Harris survey reported that, in May, 1970 80% of
the respondents I schools "experienced protests or demonstrations. At
these schools, 75 percent of the students favored the goals of the
protests and 58 percent actually participated in the protests.
Most surveys indicate that the majority of students
are not tactical extremists. For example, the special Harris survey found
that 68 percent still do not accept violence as an effective means of
change. But tactical extremism has become acceptable to some students. The
same Harris survey revealed that 56 percent of the students disagree with
the statement that "since colleges and universities are intended as a
place for serious intellectual study and learning, they are too important
to our society to be continually disrupted by protests and
demonstrations." This September, a group of researchers at the
University of California reported that a survey of predominantly white,
middle- class graduating college seniors revealed that 80 percent believed
confrontations, ranging from non- violent mass demonstrations to violent
acts, are necessary to achieve social change.
In short, the last decade has witnessed growing
disenchantment and alienation among many American college students. More
than three-quarters today believe that "basic changes in the
system" are needed; many argue that their earlier efforts to
"work within the system" have proved unsuccessful; a large
number accept disruptive tactics; and a tiny but important minority have
adopted violent tactics --without clear repudiation by all their teachers
and fellow students. Thus, in countless individual instances, what began
as an idealistic and hopeful commitment to social change has
disintegrated. This is a bleak picture, but an accurate one.
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